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Abstracts
June 2008, Vol. 34, No. 2

Articles
  • Has the HIV Epidemic Peaked? / John Bongaarts, Thomas Buettner, Gerhard Heilig, François Pelletier

    This study reviews the highly diverse regional and country patterns of HIV epidemics and discusses possible causes of the geographic variation in epidemic sizes. Past trends and projections of the epidemics are presented and the peak years of epidemics are estimated. The potential future impact of new prevention technologies is briefly assessed. A final section summarizes the future impact of the epidemic on key demographic variables. The main finding of this analysis is that the HIV epidemic reached a major turning point over the past decade. The peak years of HIV incidence rates are past for all regions, and the peaks of prevalence rates are mostly in the past except in Eastern Europe, where they are expected to peak in 2008. But owing in part to the life-prolonging effect of antiretroviral therapy and to sustained population growth, the absolute number of infected individuals is expected to keep growing slowly in sub-Saharan Africa and to remain near current levels worldwide, thus posing a continuing challenge to public health programs. No country is expected to see a decline in its population size between 2005 and 2050 that is attributable to high mortality related to AIDS. [34, no. 2 (Jun 08): 199–224] (offsite link*)
     
  • Stages of the Demographic Transition from a Child’s Perspective: Family Size, Cohort Size, and Children’s Resources / David Lam, Letícia Marteleto

    This article provides a new characterization of stages of the demographic transition from the perspective of children competing for resources within families and cohorts. In Stage 1 falling mortality increases the size of both families and birth cohorts. In Stage 2 falling fertility overtakes falling mortality to reduce family size, but population momentum causes continued growth in cohort size. In Stage 3 falling fertility overtakes population momentum to produce declining cohort size. We apply our framework to census microdata for eight countries and to United Nations population projections for a larger set of countries. The results suggest that most countries spend two to three decades in Stage 2, with declining family size offset by increasing cohort size. From the perspective of children aged 9–11, many countries enter Stage 3 between 2000 and 2010. Other countries, especially in Africa, will continue to experience increasing cohort size for several more decades. [34, no. 2 (Jun 08): 225–252] (offsite link*)
     
  • Intergenerational Coresidence in Developing Countries / Steven Ruggles, Misty Heggeness

    Newly available census microdata from IPUMS-International are used to assess trends in intergenerational coresidence in 15 developing countries. Contrary to expectations, we find no general decline in intergenerational coresidence over the past several decades. There have been, however, significant changes in the configuration of intergenerational coresidence. Families in which a member of the older generation is household head—a configuration consistent with traditional patriarchal forms in which the older generation retains authority—are becoming more common in most of the countries. Intergenerational families headed by a member of the younger generation—the configuration one would expect if intergenerational coresidence were motivated by a need for old-age support—are on the decline in most of the countries. Multivariate analysis reveals that intergenerational families headed by the older generation are positively associated with measures of economic development. These findings are at variance with widely accepted social theory. We hypothesize that housing shortages, economic stress in the younger generation, and old-age pensions may contribute to the change. More broadly, in some developing countries rising incomes may have allowed more people to achieve their preferred family structure of intergenerational coresidence following traditional family forms. [34, no. 2 (Jun 08): 253–282] (offsite link*)
     
  • Two Approaches to Measuring Women’s Work in Developing Countries: A Comparison of Survey Data from Egypt / Ray Langsten, Rania Salem

    Keyword and activities list approaches to measuring women’s work are compared. The two approaches were applied to the same population of women in Egypt in two consecutive surveys. The widely used keyword approach underestimates women’s work rates, disproportionately excluding poor and poorly educated women, particularly those working in nonformal jobs. The activities list approach captures these missed economic activities and also the multiple jobs women hold simultaneously. Survey measurement of women’s work must be improved to fully account for women’s contributions to economic life and to better understand the relationship of work to such other important variables and processes as reproductive change, child welfare, and economic development. [34, no. 2 (Jun 08): 283–306] (offsite link*)

Notes and Commentary

  • Demography, Culture, and Policy: Understanding Japan’s Low Fertility / Patricia Boling

    Insights into the causes of Japan’s prolonged and sharp fall in total fertility rate come from comparing Japan with France. The two countries share dirigiste administrative approaches, family policy reform undertaken under the auspices of pragmatic right wing parties and justified on pronatalist grounds, and involvement of demographic experts in crafting and shepherding such policies. But the countries differ with respect to their total fertility rates (France 1.98, Japan 1.29) and the effectiveness of their family policies. Thus comparing them can help identify areas of divergence that might explain these differences and assist in the project of theory building. Several salient explanations are rooted in Japan’s labor market: it exacts high opportunity costs from parents who interrupt their careers to raise children, keeps ideal workers from having much time for their families, assumes and reinforces a traditional gender ideology, and hires few young workers into good jobs. [34, no. 2 (Jun 08): 307–326] (offsite link*)

Data and Perspectives

  • Natural Increase: A New Source of Population Growth in Emerging Hispanic Destinations in the United States / Kenneth M. Johnson, Daniel T. Lichter

    Updated US Census Bureau estimates and race/ethnic-specific birth and death data for the post-2000 period are used to highlight the increasing role of natural increase as an engine of population growth in emerging Hispanic destinations. Newly emerging Hispanic growth areas are distinguished from established and high-growth areas from the 1990s. The findings document that recent Hispanic population gains have been generated increasingly by natural increase—the excess of Hispanic births over deaths. Hispanics accounted for 46 percent of the population gain and 53 percent of the natural increase in nonmetro America in 2000–2005. Yet, Hispanics represented only 5.4 percent of the nonmetro population in 2000. In metro areas, they accounted for 50 percent of the population gain and 47 percent of the natural increase, although they comprised only 14 percent of the metro population. Current trends suggest that the ascendancy of the US Hispanic population is likely to continue unabated, whether restrictive immigration legislation is enacted or not. The growth of the Hispanic population, caused increasingly by natural increase, has taken on a demographic momentum of its own. [34, no. 2 (Jun 08): 327–346] (offsite link*)

Archives (offsite link*)

  • Knut Wicksell on the Benefits of Depopulation

    The possible effects of declining population numbers on human societies have attracted increasing attention in recent years. This is hardly surprising. Despite continuing improvements in mortality, downward trends in fertility have yielded negative rates of natural increase in a growing number of countries. In the first half of the present decade, deaths were more numerous than births in every country in Eastern Europe. Current total fertility rates are below replacement level, sometimes by a wide margin, in the rest of Europe, as well as in East Asia, Northern America, Australia, and in some countries of Southeast Asia, West Asia, and Latin America. As their age distributions become less supportive of population growth, many countries in these regions will shrink in size unless natural decrease is offset by net immigration.

    But concern with potential population decline is far from novel. As early as 1890, Arsène Dumont’s book, Depopulation et civilisation, addressed the issue as it pertained to France. In the years leading up to World War I, numerous commentaries by social scientists and politicians in Western countries were written on the nearing prospect of population decrease—seemingly foreshadowed by the then steadily falling birth rates. Most such accounts were gloomy. A short essay by Knut Wicksell, Can a country become underpopulated?, is a notable example of the smaller, optimistic subcategory of that literature. The essay is reproduced below, translated from the original Swedish, in an abbreviated form, from Knut Wicksell, Selected Essays in Economics, Volume 2, ed. Bo Sandelin, copyright ©1999, Routledge, pp. 125–135 (the excerpt is from pp. 125–129 and 133–134), by permission of Taylor & Francis Books UK. The essay originally appeared in 1914 in Ekonomisk Tidskrift 16(6), pp. 195–208.

    Knut Wicksell (1851–1926) has earned an enduring place in the history of economic thought as one of the founders of modern macroeconomics, and he exerted an important influence on the Scandinavian welfare states as they developed in the twentieth century. His interest in population, although a minor sideline in his oeuvre, developed early, reflecting Malthusian concerns with the effect of diminishing returns on material standards of living. In an 1880 address he deemed Sweden, then with some 5 million people, to be overpopulated by a substantial margin. However, his later views on the subject, as expressed in the essay below, exhibit a judicious balance of arguments. There are circumstances, he observes, when a diminishing population can be beneficial and even necessary. The downward trend need not be irreversible: it is likely to correct itself as material circumstances change. If, however, it becomes the norm “that parents regulate the size of their families as they themselves see fit,” family egoism may “lead to a constantly declining population, even below the lower limit that would represent the most desirable population for the nation as a whole.” Individual motives for choosing a smaller family size “have no direct connection with the country’s need of young people.” Thus, “individual and collective interests might come into conflict,” as is the case in other domains of social interaction. In such a situation the “collective will clearly has to replace the individual will.” Just as there is a social interest in the quality of the population, as manifested in the state’s involvement in the physical and intellectual upbringing of the young, so there is a social interest in the quantity of the rising generation.

    Wicksell assumed that economic support and encouragement by the state could prompt people to have larger families. But he also thought that such direct support might not be necessary. Parents are motivated to have few children by “the desire to keep the children’s inheritance intact” and by “the anxiety to provide the children with careful upbringing”—thus facilitating upward social mobility or at least preventing loss of social status. Greater emphasis by the state on “the education and upbringing of the young” will help assuage such anxieties. Moreover, a stationary or declining population would be conducive to increased income per capita and a larger share for labor in the national product. Thus “no one who was in a position to provide society with bright, healthy children would be deterred from doing so by private economic motives.” A new condition of social equality would ensue, he suggests, “at a far higher level of social prosperity than at present, but without any tendency to put this prosperity at risk again by either too high or too low a birth rate.”

    That optimistic conclusion—arguably validated at least for Scandinavia by that region’s twentieth-century social and economic history—is also extended internationally. It is “obviously futile, indeed, absurd,” Wicksell asserts, “to strive to compete in terms of population with nations that because of extrinsic circumstances . . . possess the conditions for population growth that one’s own country may lack.” Danger can arise from excessive pressure on the means of subsistence, but this “merely goes to show that complete success in solving the problem of population, like all social issues, can only be achieved by international cooperation, not by individual countries.” Competition in terms of population size, even if that were possible, would be a “very sorry solution.” It is “surely better to seek by suitable means to induce the neighbour, too, to adopt more rational social practices, which of course ultimately can only be to his own benefit.” Pessimism in this regard is unwarranted. “After all, the old notion that only certain peoples or races are inclined to allow their birth rate to decline is utterly refuted . . . [A]t the present time fertility is decreasing almost everywhere.” Transposed to the global scene, Wicksell thus formulated the rationale for including population control as a key component of foreign development policy—a strategy that would be set in train by the Scandinavian states and by other Western countries half a century later.

Book Reviews (offsite link*)

  • The Growth and Collapse of Pacific Island Societies: Archaeological and Demographic Perspectives / Patrick V. Kirch and Jean-Louis Rallu (eds.)
    Reviewed by Peter Hiscock
  • Cool It: The Skeptical Environmentalist’s Guide to Global Warming / Bjorn Lomborg
    Reviewed by Brian C. O’Neill
  • Valuing Children: Rethinking the Economics of the Family / Nancy Folbre
    Reviewed by Peter McDonald
  • The Demography of Armed Conflict / Helge Brunborg, Ewa Tabeau, and Henrik Urdal (eds.)
    Reviewed by Thomas Homer-Dixon

Short Reviews (offsite link*)

  • Watering the Neighbour’s Garden: The Growing Demographic Female Deficit in Asia / Isabelle Attané and Christophe Z. Guilmoto (eds.)
  • Demographic Transition Theory / John C. Caldwell
  • Population Aging, Intergenerational Transfers and the Macroeconomy / Robert Clark, Naohiro Ogawa, and Andrew Mason (eds.)
  • Europe’s Coming Demographic Challenge: Unlocking the Value of Health / Nicholas Eberstadt and Hans Groth
  • Perspectives on Mortality Forecasting / Stockholm Committee on Mortality Forecasting
  • Ages, Generations and the Social Contract: The Demographic Challenges Facing the Welfare State / Jacques Véron, Sophie Pennec, and Jacques Légaré (eds.)

Documents (offsite link*)

  • The International Food Policy Research Institute on the World Food Situation

    Food costs—basically the costs of wheat, corn (maize), rice, and other foodgrains—have risen sharply over the last several years, cutting into living standards of the poor in many countries and threatening severe hardship and increased malnutrition in some. News reports describe domestic political repercussions, including urban riots; there are calls for expanded international assistance. The trends and events that together have contributed to this outcome are set forth in a report, The World Food Situation: New Driving Forces and Required Actions, issued by the International Food Policy Research Institute in December 2007. The author is Joachim von Braun, IFPRI’s Director General. The “new driving forces” are found on both the demand and supply sides of the food equation. Increased cereal demand can be tied to the changing food preferences that come with rising incomes and urbanization, notably through greater consumption of meat and milk. Major supply-side forces are the surge in energy prices affecting costs of fertilizer, mechanical cultivation, and transport; large-scale diversion of corn to ethanol production, especially in the United States; and weather-related events such as the extended drought in Australia’s wheat belt, seen as a harbinger of coming effects of global warming on climate change and variability. Historically low world grain inventories, following a run-down in stocks over recent years, and commodity-price speculation have also been factors in the price increases. In the short run, grain supplies are inelastic; prospects for a strong supply-response in the longer term are better, although they may be harmed to some extent by policy measures now being put into place, such as price controls and export restrictions.

    The citation to the report is: Von Braun, J. The world food situation: New driving forces and required actions. Food Policy Report 18. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2007. The first section of the report, titled “The World Food Equation, Rewritten,” is reprinted below, reproduced with permission from the International Food Policy Research Institute (www.ifpri.org). The full report can be found online at http://www.ifpri.org/pubs/fpr/pr18.asp.
     
  • The European Parliament on the Demographic Future of Europe

    In October 2006 the European Commission, the executive branch of the European Union, issued a “Communication” titled The demographic future of Europe—from challenge to opportunity. Given its institutional stamp, this brief—only 19 pages covering a big subject—elicited considerable attention and debate. (A symposium on it appeared in Vienna Yearbook of Population Research, 2007.) In 2007, the subject was also taken up by the European Parliament, which has a long record of concern with the demographic situation of Europe—more strictly, of the European Union. A Resolution on the demographic future of Europe adopted by the Parliament at its meeting in Strasbourg on 21 February 2008 took note of the Commission’s brief and various earlier documents, as well as the formally expressed views of various Parliamentary committees (notably those on Employment and Social Affairs and on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality). The introductory “General considerations” section of the Resolution and two of the four following sections, on “Demographic renewal” and on “Integrated immigration,” are reproduced below. (The two omitted sections discuss human resources and solidarity between generations and regions.)

    The “challenge of demographic renewal” addresses the ways in which public policies could influence birth rates when they are deemed socially undesirable—in this instance meaning excessively low. There are considerable differences in levels of fertility among EU's member countries (here the EU25). The Resolution takes it for granted that these differences are explained by, or at least closely related to, policy differences. “[S]ince Member States’ birth rates [that is, TFRs] range from 1.25 to 2.0, it is possible to influence birth rate curves favourably through coordinated public policies.” The list of proposed remedies for low fertility rests on the key assumption that families or individuals would like to have more children but are inhibited by their circumstances, primarily material. Thus the Resolution “insists on the need to create a family-friendly environment and to improve living conditions for families and children and for realising families’ real aspirations.” Fiscal constraints on the room for maneuver in further extending welfare-state policies are not discussed in the Resolution. Instead, Member States should “identify good practices in favour of families, family benefits systems and social services of general interest for protecting and helping families.” Young parents pursuing their training and studies should be “targeted specifically”; similarly, young single mothers. Maternity leave and parental leave should be lengthened and child care facilities should be improved.

    Two suggested measures are less familiar. Although they have been proposed before, they were generally considered politically farfetched, hence their surfacing in an official document is noteworthy. One makes reference to the social and economic value of “informal family work in the form of caring for children” and asks for “examining the possibility of recognising length of service, social security and pension rights for those who carry out such informal work,” notably in the form of “additional retirement pension entitlements.” The other proposed novel measure (articulated, however tentatively, in the section on immigration although it is more relevant to fertility) is prompted by a perceived bias in existing political institutions. Specifically, the Resolution “considers that the crucial issue in an ageing society is that of political representation of minors, who represent the common future, and hence the political future, of the community yet currently have no voice and exert no influence on decision-making.” Thus “giving a voice and political representation” to minors “calls for a thorough, wide-ranging debate.”

    On immigration, the Resolution’s language echoes many past statements, emphasizing its advantages for the EU. Immigration “could be a positive contribution from an economic, social and cultural point of view” and “particularly offers regions experiencing net outward migration the opportunity to stem the negative impact of demographic change.” Integration of migrants is a “strategically important policy measure”; policies should “facilitate the establishment of migrants in the European Union.” Immigration policies should be “coordinated among member states by ensuring that immigrants enjoy the same living and working conditions.” But ”human trafficking “ should be fought and “employers who employ and/or exploit illegal workers” should be penalized. Beyond economic considerations, “the choice of family integration should remain a possibility for migrants who so wish.” Immigration, however, should not be disadvantageous to the countries of origin; the risk of “brain drain” needs to be taken into account.

    A conspicuous feature of the Resolution is the scarcity of quantitative references in speaking about demographic matters. Occasional intriguing numbers do appear, such as the claim that in the EU “infertility is on the increase and now occurs in 15% of couples.” On fertility more broadly, no suggestion is offered on the level below which corrective measures are called for. On immigration, lack of numbers renders the Resolution’s injunctions particularly opaque. The Commission’s Communication did cite a Eurostat projection that envisaged a net inflow from outside the EU of some 40 million persons between 2004 and 2050 and termed this estimate “conservative.” What net immigration the European Parliament might consider appropriate for the coming decades is not mentioned in the Resolution.
     
  • Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on India's Gender Imbalance

    India is one of a number of countries, mostly East and South Asian, that record anomalous male-dominated sex ratios at birth. Under-enumeration of girl children may be partly responsible, but the larger cause is the selective abortion of female fetuses in societies showing strong cultural or economic preferences for sons over daughters. Fetal sex determination became simple with the development of ultrasound technology. The sharp rise in the ratio of boys to girls in the youngest population age groups seen in the Indian censuses of 1981, 1991, and 2001—especially in the northwestern states of Punjab and Haryana—coincides with the spread of this technology, notwithstanding that its use for this purpose has been outlawed since the early 1990s. (Abortion is legal in India but the principle of parental sovereignty in reproductive decisions is overruled in this case in the name of the collective interest.) In a recent speech Prime Minister Manmohan Singh called attention to the gender imbalance and supported a nationwide campaign to end sex discrimination in this “gray area of national concern.” The Prime Minister’s speech was delivered on 28 April 2008 to the National Conference on “Save the Girl Child,” New Delhi, a meeting organized by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. It is reprinted below. The Prime Minister describes selective abortion of a female fetus as a reprehensible practice. Its origin is found in the “patriarchal mindset,” its prevalence ascribed to “unscrupulous parents” and “unethical conduct on the part of some medical practitioners” offering sex determination services. The remedy, he says, lies in education and empowerment of women. While that may well be the case in the longer run, cross-sectional research findings are less than supportive. The gender imbalance is positively associated with parental education and social status—whether linked to greater affordability of sex determination services or to the enhanced agency of higher-status parents in reproductive decisions. The text of the speech can be found at http://pmindia.nic.in/lspeech.asp?id=677.

* Journal subscribers will be able to access a PDF of the article online; nonsubscribers will be given access after paying a fee.



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26 June 2008