REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH
The Tostan Story

Breakthrough in Senegal Ending Female Genital Cutting

The end of female genital cutting in 31 villages in Senegal
In July 1997, forty women of the Senegalese village Malicounda Bambara announced to a delegation of Senegalese journalists that their community had decided to cease the traditional practice of Female Genital Cutting (FGC). The women had made the decision together with their husbands, the village chief, and religious leaders, following implementation of the Tostan educational program in their village. Although the people of Malicounda Bambara committed on their own initiative to ending FGC, elements of the Tostan educational program were pivotal in inspiring and empowering their decision. Encouraged by their example, a total of 31 other Senegalese villages subsequently followed suit, and committed to ending FGC in their communities.¹

In making their historic announcement to end FGC, the women of Malicounda Bambara cited Human Rights Articles, and talked of the negative consequences FGC can have on female health. The women performed a play in which a Bambara girl dies from haemorrhaging after being cut. Most importantly, the women appealed to other villagers throughout Senegal to follow their lead.

The Tostan educational program
Tostan, which means 'breakthrough' in the Senegalese language of Wolof, is an international, educational NGO established in 1991 and based in Senegal. Tostan's aim is to empower people, through knowledge, to make informed decisions for the benefit of their personal and community development. The specific objectives of the Tostan educational program conducted in the Senegalese villages were to:

• reduce illiteracy;
• promote self-development through the use of adapted educational materials; and
• to offer a model basic educational program, for possible emulation elsewhere.

The Tostan program and FGC
Despite initial hesitation due to cultural sensitivities, FGC was included as a subject in the second component of the Tostan program. The FGC session was deliberately scheduled to follow a number of others concerning female anatomy and in which participants discussed sexuality as a natural part of women’s development. The subject of FGC was raised through narration of the story of a young girl who is cut, haemorrhages, and dies. Subsequently, program participants were encouraged to discuss their reactions to the story, as well as the World Health Organisation resolution regarding FGC.

The village of Malicounda Bambara's decision to end FGC
The women of Malicounda Bambara participated in the Tostan session on FGC during August 1996. In contrast to the lively discussions of other program subjects, initially the women appeared uneasy and reticent. The course facilitator conducted the session three times before the women were comfortable enough to begin discussions.

Gradually, the women admitted that FGC was an ancient practice they followed because it was a tradition and expected of them by the men and religious leaders of the village. Nonetheless, their human rights training helped them to understand that they have the right to the highest standard of health. They also have the right to express themselves and give their opinion. The women had not been aware of these rights prior to involvement with the Tostan program, and had never discussed such issues amongst themselves. As noted by Maïmuna Traoré, local President of the Management Committee of the class:

We started thinking and talking about things in class that we had never before discussed, things that had always been 'taboo' you might say……the Tostan program gave us a certain amount of confidence that we never had before—confidence that we could change things if we wanted to.²

The women of Malicounda Bambara eventually became very keen to discuss the issues surrounding FGC, both within the 'classroom' context and outside. The women decided to talk to their ndey dikke³ and to their husbands regarding the negative health consequences. They also thought it important to first get the advice of the Imam and village chief on the issue. The women were surprised to discover that many fellow villagers supported an effort to end FGC. Indeed, the Imam explained that the Koran did not require Muslims to practice the rite, and that he himself was opposed to it. In order to raise awareness and encourage women in other neighbourhoods of their village also to discuss the issue, the women performed a play highlighting their new knowledge.

By June 1997, the women had convinced enough people in the village of the danger of FGC that there were no circumcision ceremonies held that year during the rainy season. Apparently, by that time, residents were aware that there was a movement to end the practice of FGC in the village. The village chief endorsed the decision. If any woman did cut her daughter, she did it in secret for the first time, knowing she would be subject to public disapproval.

Eventually the Malicounda Bambara villagers were so comfortable with their decision to end FGC, they welcomed the opportunity to speak to Senegalese journalists and government representatives. National media coverage followed, triggering both support and opposition. The attention attracted by the Malicounda Bambara decision concerned some male residents of the village, however, most women remained confident:

. . . although we recognized that they (the male opponents of publicity) had the right to express their ideas, we also know our rights and know that the women have the right to express our ideas too. 'This is good news, not bad news,' I told them. 'We should be helping others by sharing our decision. We believe in what we did.' ⁴

The decision of other Senegalese villages to end FGC
Publicity surrounding Malicounda Bambara's historic commitment assisted in prompting other Senegalese communities to begin questioning the practice of FGC. The Malicounda Bambara decision received endorsement at the highest levels of Senegalese society, which in turn generated further publicity and support. The Senegalese President urged other communities to follow the example, and initiated proceedings to enact a law against FGC.⁵

Persuading other communities to end FGC was recognised as essential for engendering the broadest possible attitude change, in which uncircumcised girls would remain free from prejudice and able to find men to marry. Recognising the importance of this, an Imam from the Bambara village of Keur Simbara voluntarily committed three months to visiting all other Bambara villages urging them to consider ending FGC.

Interest in the issue spread throughout the Bambara villages, prompting a united community meeting on the issue. Religious, health, and government representatives were included in the meeting, and after much discussion and information sharing, the Bambara community produced its historic declaration. Known as the Diabougou Declaration, it pledged:

Our (the Bambara community's) firm commitment to end the practice of Female Circumcision in our community.

Our firm commitment to spread our knowledge and the spirit of our decision to our respective villages and to other communities still practising Female Circumcision.⁶

The Diabougou Declaration subsequently was translated into other Senegalese languages and incorporated into Tostan's educational programs conducted in other villages and communities. In June 1998, a second declaration renouncing FGC was produced and signed by the 18 villages in the Senegalese district of Fulado. By January 1999, a total of 31 Senegalese villages had publicly declared an end to FGC, and many others were showing signs of interest.

Furthermore, the community pledges have proven enduring and influential. In the case of the Diabougou Declaration, a committee was elected to guard against breaches of the agreement. As noted by the influential Bambara Imam:

If we did nothing, people would think the decision was not serious, and they might start slipping back into the practice out of fear of not finding marriage partners for their daughters.⁷

Key success factors of the Tostan program
Attainment of basic education clearly was a decisive factor in the movement to end FGC. The technical information and strategies for social transformation, together with confidence gained through participatory methods of the Tostan program were pivotal in empowering Senegalese villagers first to question, and then agitate for change. Tostan identifies four key strategies as pivotal to the program’s success:

1. A quality comprehensive educational program with an integrated approach to learning, reinforcing positive cultural practices and values;
     
2. A program accessible to women learners, including the use of women's own stories, and encouragement of participants to share information with friends and relatives;
     
3. A program which could be used by other organisations and African countries; and
     
4. A participatory approach to promote self-development, emphasising peaceful strategies for social change.

Furthermore, the Senegalese men and women most involved in the process of ending FGC, highlighted the following program subjects as particularly valuable to their cause:

• Problem solving;
• Hygiene and the transmission of germs;
• Leadership skills for making and defending important decisions;
• Basic health and anatomical information;
• Sexuality;
• Learning and experimenting with strategies for social transformation;
• Adopting a friend and sharing knowledge;
• Linking knowledge to action; and
• Human Rights education.

Conclusion and lessons learned
Tostan acknowledges the presence of external factors that contributed to the cessation of FGC in the Senegalese villages. The time was 'right for change.' Women's and human rights groups had been advocating the cessation of FGC for many years, and this message was slowly beginning to reach the village level. The positive participation of Islamic leaders also was decisive, given 95% of Senegalese are Muslim and religion plays a major role in their lives. Furthermore, public declarations of the decision to end FGC were instrumental in influencing other villages to follow suit, thus creating a 'critical mass' of communities committed to the decision, and unlikely to be prejudiced against girls who had not undergone FGC.

In terms of its specific program, however, Tostan identifies four essential steps for strategies to end FGC in Senegal and elsewhere in Africa:

1. Basic education—vital for empowering villagers not only to make informed decisions for themselves but to be able to defend and promote those decisions;
     
2. Public discussion—important topics affecting the well-being of the community cannot be limited to the classroom, rather, they must be presented by the participants themselves for public debate and deliberation. From Tostan’s experience, it is particularly important in public discussions to emphasise: the negative health consequences of FGC; religious opinions on FGC; and presentation of previous declarations.
     
3. Public declarations—in instances where villages of the same ethnic group are considering ending FGC, it is important for the extended community to meet for public discussions. As part of such discussions, it is preferable for authoritative and respected health, religious, and possibly even government leaders to make supportive presentations.
       
4. Media campaigns—the media can play a decisive role in the process of ending FGC. Coverage of public declarations, interviews with religious leaders, health workers, women, and men who have abandoned the practice, talkshows where the public can express their viewpoints, and articles in local newspapers are all excellent ways of encouraging dialogue on the issue.

Notes

1. The Tostan program had not been conducted in all 31 villages that decided to end FGC. However, as information about the program spread through the anti-FGC movement, many of those villages that had not had the opportunity to participate in the program requested that it be offered in their villages. Tostan, Breakthrough in Senegal—Ending Female Genital Cutting, Population Council, January 1999, p. 65.
       
2. Tostan, Breakthrough in Senegal—Ending Female Genital Cutting, ibid., p. 46.
       
3. As part of the Tostan modules 7 and 8, women were encouraged to adopt a sister or friend (ndey dikke in Wolof) with whom they would share their newly acquired knowledge.
       
4. Tostan, Breakthrough in Senegal—Ending Female Genital Cutting, op. cit., p. 51.
       
5. The Senegalese National Assembly passed the law abolishing Female Genital Cutting on 13 January 1999.Tostan, Breakthrough in Senegal—Ending Female Genital Cutting, op. cit., p. 71.
      
6. Diabougou Declaration, reproduced in Tostan, Breakthrough in Senegal—Ending Female Genital Cutting, op. cit., p. 57.
       
7. Tostan, Breakthrough in Senegal—Ending Female Genital Cutting, op. cit., p. 68.

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This page updated 24 May 2005

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